Two views on real politics: part one – the civic space

Editor’s introduction

Owen Polley and I do not share our politics. Owen is a unionist and I am a republican. Owen is a conservative, though in my opinion he is of a socially liberal bent. I am on the left and a libertarian. In theory, we should agree on nothing, neither politics nor economics, but in today’s depoliticised political sphere where even the old republican-unionist zero sum game has been denuded of meaning we have, from very different positions, come to the conclusion that the only way forward is a complete re-think of how politics is performed.

Owen’s thoughtful essay on the issue runs below. My piece, which is a response to the same question rather than a direct response to Owen, will run shortly. They were intended to run together but yesterday’s technical problems have altered forth‘s publishing schedule for the week.

Jason Walsh,
Editor, forth

The civic space: towards a civic unionism

Jason and I share the conviction that Northern Ireland’s politics ought to focus on civic discourse, if they are to assume a less confrontational, less sectarian shape. My contention is that a province, remaining solidly within the United Kingdom, is best placed to draw upon civic and institutional influences, rather than the cultural preoccupations which currently predominate, precisely because the state is a multi-national construct which makes its appeal primarily on the basis of political allegiance, rather than a perceived monolithic identity. It is incumbent upon unionists to celebrate the diversity of their state and frame their arguments in civic terms, rather than continue to call forth Conor Cruise O’Brien’s ‘ancestral voices’.

The Republic of Ireland has itself become a much more diverse state in the past number of years and its own politics, it might be claimed, have begun to embrace something resembling ‘civic nationalism’. Jason believes that the absorption of Northern Ireland, with its 1 million odd unionists, would complete this process. It is a valid argument, but Britain’s history has been determined by its multi-national character. The academic, Richard Rose, in his monograph ‘Understanding the United Kingdom: The Territorial Dimension in Government’ described the basis of its institutional arrangements as ‘Unity without Uniformity’. By his reasoning, the fact that the UK’s constitution evolved along pragmatic lines, allowed it to develop largely without the prescriptions which mark nations whose institutional apparatus was a manifestation of self-conscious, nationalist ’state building’. The very definition of political ‘Britishness‘, in other words, carries an inbuilt assumption of multiple identities. The same cannot be claimed of political nationalism. 

Of course, the difficulty is that unionism in Northern Ireland has developed its own separate sensibility, in unique conditions, which have included an occasionally violent nationalist challenge and limited involvement in Westminster politics. As a result it has too rarely demonstrated the plurality and permeability of identity which have characterised its Great British cousin. Despite the prevalence of cultural strains of unionism, the civic alternative has persisted to a greater or lesser degree, often struggling for electoral traction. Frequently a broader vision of unionism, attached to a generous sense of Britishness rather than a narrow Ulster Protestant identity, has accompanied efforts to extend political entitlements, taken for granted in the rest of the UK, to Northern Ireland. With devolution placing the north in a less exceptional constitutional position, as regards other ‘nations’ of the United Kingdom, and in the midst of a fresh attempt to involve voters here in the election of the British government, this tendency within unionism has been offered new impetus.

Before examining the practicalities that a revival of civic politics might entail, it is important to describe what we should understand by the term, in the context of the United Kingdom. A civic conception of the UK maintains that cultural identity need not be the primary determinant of political allegiance. It contends that the two concepts, whilst they may be related, can in fact be separated. Civic unionism seeks to champion the cause of political Britishness, across a range of cultures and identities, which it deems perfectly compatible with its precepts. Allegiance to political institutions, and in particular the Westminster parliament, is the chief definer of Britishness, as opposed to possession of a particular cultural identity. Which is not to argue that the existence of Britain, as a political entity, does not carry cultural implications, but rather that there is a different emphasis, and a more flexible approach to culture and identity within a multinational, pluricultural state. One which has not underwent the process of self-definition that characterised nineteenth century nationalisms and the nation states to which they gave birth (the Republic of Ireland for instance).

If the strength of the UK, indeed its very essence, can best be described in terms of its civic politics, unionists in Northern Ireland are diminishing the power of their arguments if they do not frame them in the same terms. They are damaging their own position within the United Kingdom if they fail to put in the practical work to create in our society the civic sensibility which exists in the rest of the state.

But what might this practical work entail?

As I have previously intimated, it is my belief that the framework to create this step change in Northern Irish politics is being built wherever the means are put in place to allow our electorate to play a full role in returning the Westminster government. Without meaningful input into mainstream politics at a national level, the exceptional characteristics of our discourse become exacerbated. By participating in the cut and thrust of the House of Commons on an equal basis Northern Irish MPs are compelled to engage primarily with issues of day to day concern, rather than remaining preoccupied with defending the traditional cultural battlegrounds.  It is a process of normalising Northern Irish ‘Britishness’ in line with a broader understanding of the concept.

Post devolution, of course, the sovereign parliament is merely one strand of government in Scotland, Wales and Ulster. Northern Ireland, with its devolved institutions, need not resign itself to atomised, or ‘semi detached’ politics. Civic unionism is built for Stormont as well as Westminster, and it should assume a different shape to the brand of unionism which is currently prevalent at the Assembly.

The dispensation which we have become accustomed to, consisting of a community carve-up between Sinn Féin and the DUP, pitches those parties together as ‘community’ champions. Primarily their role is to contest a succession of cultural issues on behalf of their respective perceived ‘communities’. There may be a degree of coalescence required in order to lever funds from national government, but otherwise the system encourages entrenchment of cultural preoccupations (in the narrowest sense) and a form of horse trading in order to achieve some rudimentary balance. Civic unionism must seek to break this ethno-nationalist compact.

‘Protestant unionist’ cultural preoccupations will, of course, remain a concern of civic unionism. But they will be considered merely one component of a set of cultures, each of which contribute to the UK’s diversity. Rather than privileging particular traditions and defining them as intrinsically unionist, simply because they are perceived to belong to a so called ‘community’ which is pro-British, unionism should be unafraid to draw upon a diversity of cultures. That means demonstrating a less reflexive and more constructive attitude to the Irish language, for instance.

Gaelic is an integral part of the heritage of this region of the United Kingdom. Rather than considering its existence an affront and celebrating each reverse inflicted on its enthusiasts, unionist parties should develop coherent policies which acknowledge the Irish language’s contribution to our society and envisage how it might be protected. These need not come to the same conclusions as rival nationalist analyses, nor need they pledge huge resources to the language’s upkeep, but they should articulate at least an aspiration to preserve an important aspect of local culture.

A similar approach should be taken to other facets of culture which are considered ‘Irish’ or indeed ‘nationalist’. The GAA has an explicitly political constitution, which creates a defensible unionist case against approaching it with equanimity. Gaelic games remain, however, a purely sporting passion for a great many people in Northern Ireland and treating them consistently with hostility or disdain, constructs a barrier for part of society, part of which might otherwise be persuaded embrace political unionism.

It has been perceived, with some justification, that unionism is inimical to certain traditions which are considered Gaelic, Irish or nationalist. It is incumbent upon unionists to challenge that perception. The important message is that Irishness is thoroughly compatible with unionism, Britishness and membership of the United Kingdom. Unionists have to make an effort to demonstrate the permeability of the British identity, as well as expounding it in theory.

It is important too that civic unionists are prepared to work across divisions on the constitutional question in order to further shared objectives with moderate nationalist parties. In particular, the UUP and SDLP have a common interest in ensuring that their input to devolved bodies is listened to and respected. Where the cultural wrangling of the two bigger parties has resulted in stalemate, it is vital that their rivals can demonstrate a negotiated alternative. Clearly the range of issues where interests directly intersect will be limited, but there is sufficient terrain to make a real difference and show the primacy of moderate, reasonable politics. By edging discourse towards ‘bread and butter issues‘, the constitutional battlefield is silenced.

Jason argues that voluntary coalition should, by necessity, be introduced in order to improve Northern Ireland’s governance. I wholeheartedly agree and to show that it is workable, unionist parties need to show a willingness to cooperate across traditional boundaries.

Ultimately that structural change will be needed in order to offer Northern Ireland durable and accountable devolved government in the long term. But there is no need for unionists to dally in their efforts to deliver civic politics. The shifted emphasis might be disorientating for voters, but it is a template for consolidating Northern Ireland’s place within the Union and it will produce a province which has its regional peculiarities, but enjoys a less exceptional political discourse within the state to which it belongs. Civic politics are a profoundly unionist project and they are only likely to flourish in a Northern Ireland which is an integral part of the United Kingdom.

Owen Polley is a political writer based in Belfast and is regularly to be found discussing Northern Ireland on NVTV.Visit his Three Thousand Versts of Loneliness by clicking here